Mehmet Ali Birand - English
Mehmet Ali Birand - English
Mehmet Ali Birand - EnglishYazarın Tüm Yazıları

Have we ruined Ergenekon?

I’m not quite sure. And probably millions of people don’t understand just like me. But I guess these Ergenekon prosecutors know something. But we cannot make anything out of it.

Eight detainees were released by prosecutors who ordered their detention within the frame of the Association for Supporting Contemporary Living. What is this? I was stunned even further as Tijen Mergen, a member of the board for Doğan Gazetecilik, explained. We are living through an incredibly hard process.

You arrest people based on only telephone conversations and then set them free, saying "pardon us." In contemporary society and developed democracies, the conditions of such prosecutors are being questioned and sanctions imposed. However, everybody keeps quiet. In the meantime, the Deniz Feneri case, including concrete evidence, has been in translation for 49 days now. This means, on one side a case progressing at the "speed of light" but on the other side another "case" that is not going anywhere. An important case is diluted openly.

Those who read my articles will know that we take the Ergenekon case seriously. We believe that those who plan a coup on the government by means of a conspiracy must be punished. We believe that all people who cause chaos because they want to get rid of the government they don’t like, who violate laws and basic rules of democracy, be it the military of civilians, need to be tried. And we supported the Ergenekon investigation as long as it stayed within this frame. We will continue with our support. But this investigation from time to time goes beyond its real target and purpose. The measure slips. Ergenekon becomes diluted. Real criminals and pro-coup people are confused with democratic opponents. Civil society organizations are scared away.

An important part of the public believes that criminals and innocent people are being put in the same basket and that the dimension of this case is expanding, which makes it impossible to get out of the situation. Real criminals will profit from this situation. Real pro-coup people, real Deep State, real gangsters will profit.

The Ergenekon investigation is unfortunately facing such a danger. It is the danger that with the intent of searching for criminals it has transformed into an opposition hunt. The line between pro-coup or conspirator and the opposition has disappeared. A very correct and necessary investigation is missing its target. The real pro-coup and real criminals are very happy about it. We are facing a danger of hurting democracy badly by trying to put democracy on healthy grounds. Consider yourself warned.

There is one part of the speech by Chief of General Staff Gen. Başbuğ that really gets to you. Commentators did not persist on it much. Başbuğ first drew a portrait of a terrorist. Then he gave very interesting numbers regarding those who lost their lives in the war. I have collected these data for you.

Who is the child we call terrorist?
In the frame of data collected by security forces over many years the portrait of whom we call a "PKK terrorist" is as follows:

w Seventy percent of those who go into the mountains for the PKK are between the ages of 14 and 20. Meaning, youngsters who are just starting life.

w And the reasons they go into the mountains are as follows:

w Because he is unloved, poor, unemployed and hopeless, and lives in a violent environment.

w Because he lives with violence, gets used to it and thinks that violence will solve problems.

w Because no education is offered to him, he feels isolated and believes he is treated unjustly.

w Because he believes that by going into the mountains, he will be good for something, obtain right with his weapon and have an identity.

w Because he is influenced by ethnic propaganda.

w Eighty percent of those going into the mountains stay on average 10 years with the organization. By the time they turn 26 or 30, they either die or run away.

w The number of those who have died for the PKK since 1984 is more than 40,000. Meaning, one or more members of 40,000 families have been affected by this.

w The number of Turkish security forces killed since 1984 has amounted to 4,970.

This picture is unfortunate for the PKK. In exchange for so many losses, there is almost nothing they have obtained. It is obvious that from now on it will not be able to establish its influence. People in the region sending their children off to death bear a very heavy responsibility.
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